[Ohio UZO News] AP; Helsinki Commission Digest article; EDM; KP

[Deychak, Orest]

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Ukraine Politics; Ukraine President Nominates Ally for PM 

By YANA SEDOVA 

Associated Press Writer

6 December 2007

KIEV, Ukraine (AP) - Ukraine's president on Thursday nominated his Orange Revolution ally Yulia Tymoshenko to be prime minister, his office said. 

The nomination follows a deal struck last week by President Viktor Yushchenko's and Tymoshenko's parties to forge a fragile majority coalition, raising hopes for an end to months of political turmoil. A parliament vote was expected later Thursday. 

Tymoshenko is one of the most polarizing figures in Ukraine -- adored by her supporters, but regarded with suspicion even by other Western-oriented politicians and despised by backers of Viktor Yanukovych, the outgoing, Moscow-oriented prime minister. 

She was the most energetic and visible figure of the 2004 Orange Revolution protests that helped propel Yushchenko to the presidency in a tense battle with Yanukovych. Yushchenko named Tymoshenko prime minister in early 2005 but sacked her just seven months later amid a fracas in the Orange camp. 

Yanukovych became prime minister last year after his Party of Regions won the largest share of votes in a parliamentary election. Earlier this year, Yushchenko accused Yanukovych of attempting an illegal power grab and ordered new elections, which were held in September. 

Yanukovych's party again got the largest number of votes in September, but not enough to overcome the combined seats won by Yushchenko's and Tymoshenko's parties. 

Yushchenko has publicly thrown his support behind Tymoshenko as premier, but may be reluctant to see her gain too much power as she is a potential rival for the presidency in 2009. 

  <http://www.csce.gov/index.cfm?Fuseaction=Home.Home&CFID=5139606&CFTOKEN=75985041> 

 

 

 

 

www.csce.gov <http://www.csce.gov/> .  

 

Hon. Alcee L. Hastings, Chairman


 

Hon. Benjamin L. Cardin, Co-Chairman
December 6, 2007




UKRAINE'S PRE-TERM PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS AND DEMONSTRABLE COMMITMENT TO DEMOCRATIC STANDARDS FOCUS OF COMMISSION INITIATIVES


By Orest Deychakiwsky and Ronald McNamara 

The Helsinki Commission undertook several initiatives this Fall in connection with Ukraine's September 30th pre-term parliamentary elections, including deploying staff to observe the elections, sponsoring a Congressional resolution on the elections, and convening a public briefing on their implications. The elections - the fifth national balloting in less then three years -- came on the heels of a political crisis that had engulfed Ukraine's president, government and parliament for much of 2007. 

The elections to the 450-seat parliament, the Verkhovna Rada, were judged by the OSCE-led International Election Observation Mission (IEOM) to have been conducted "mostly in line with OSCE commitments and other international standards for democratic elections and in an open and competitive environment." 

The September elections were monitored by some 800 international observers under OSCE auspices, including Helsinki Commission staff members who observed the balloting in western Ukraine's Ivano-Frankivsk oblast and Kyiv's Polilskiy District. Swedish parliamentarian Tone Tingsgård, the Special Coordinator of the short-term election observers for the IEOM and Vice-President of the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly, stated that these elections were conducted "in a positive and professional manner." 

While there were shortcomings, notably with respect to the quality of voter lists and delays in processing vote counts in a few districts, OSCE observers assessed the voting as good or very good in 98 percent of the nearly 3,000 polling stations visited, and the vote count was assessed as good or very good in 94 percent of the IEOM reports. 

Commission staff observations were consistent with other international observer assessments. The voting process was calm, orderly, and, with very few exceptions, conducted in an efficient, professional and transparent manner. Members of precinct commissions representing various political parties and blocs, as well as the presence of party observers, helped to ensure the integrity of the voting process. The most significant shortcomings witnessed by staff stemmed from inaccuracies in the voters lists which led to inconsistencies regarding the treatment of voters, including the disenfranchisement of some at polling stations visited on election day. 

The elections - with 60% voter turnout -- saw Prime Minister Viktory Yanukovich's Party of the Regions come in first with 34.3% of the votes. The most substantial gains over previous elections, however, were garnered by the electoral bloc of former Prime Minister Yuliya Tymoshenko (YTB), with 30.7%. President Victor Yushchenko's Our Ukraine-People's Self-Defense bloc (NUNS) placed third with 13.3%. Two other parties passed the 3 percent threshold required to enter the new parliament - the Communist Party with 5.4% and Bloc of former Rada Chairman Volodymyr Lytvyn with 3.9 percent. The two electoral blocs associated with Ukraine's 2004 Orange Revolution -- YTB and NUNS -- have created a razor-thin majority coalition in the new Rada and on December 4, elected Foreign Minister Arseniy Yatseniuk as the new Chairman with a single vote to spare. 

On October 5, Helsinki Commission Chairman Alcee L. Hastings, together with 12 other House Members, including Commissioners Slaughter, Solis, Butterfield, Smith, Aderholt and Pitts, sponsored a resolution congratulating the Ukrainian people for the holding of free, fair, open and transparent parliamentary elections in a peaceful manner consistent with Ukraine's democratic values and national interest and expressing continuing Congressional interest and support for Ukraine. The resolution, which has garnered bipartisan backing, expresses strong support for the efforts of the Ukrainian people to build upon the democratic gains of the Orange Revolution. The resolution recognizes the link between the consolidation of democracy and the rule of law and the strengthening of Ukraine's independence and integration with the West, and, importantly, serving as a positive role model for all too many post-Soviet countries caught in the vice of authoritarianism. 

In introducing the resolution, Chairman Hastings expressed the hope "that Ukraine's political leaders will form a government reflecting the will of the Ukrainian people as expressed by the results of the elections" and "that the new parliament and government will focus on the constitutional framework, especially the question of separation of powers, in order to avoid the political uncertainty that we witnessed earlier this year." 

On October 25, the Commission convened a public briefing: "The Ukrainian Elections: Implications for Ukraine's Future Direction" with Ukraine's Ambassador to the United States Oleh Shamshur, as well as former U.S. Ambassador to Ukraine William Miller, and Stephen Nix of the International Republican Institute, who had both been present at the elections as international observers. 

In his assessment of the elections, Ambassador Shamshur noted that "for the second time in a row, Ukraine succeeded in avoiding most of the electoral pitfalls. Aside from minor deficiencies, there was no harassment of political opponents, no media oppression, no so-called creative counting or use of forged absentee ballots...Ukraine has once again confirmed its democratic credentials. That's the irreversibility of the democratic change spurred by the Orange Revolution." 

Ambassador Miller, who observed in Ukraine as a member of the National Democratic Institute's international observation delegation, called the elections "relatively free and fair." He expressed the "hopeful possibility" that the two democratic (Orange) coalition partners, Yuliya Tymoshenko and Victor Yushchenko, "will fulfill finally the promises they made with their hands on their hearts" during the 2004 Orange Revolution. 

Mr. Nix, while noting that IRI's election observation mission found that the elections "broadly met international standards," nevertheless urged the Ukrainian parliament and election officials "to address the quality of the voter lists to ensure their accuracy for the next national election." He also called upon Ukraine's leadership to take steps "to resolve the constitutional issues that were the very reason these elections were called."

 

 

Eurasia Daily Monitor

December 6, 2007 -- Volume 4, Issue 226

NEW YUSHCHENKO-TYMOSHENKO COALITION PASSES FIRST TESTS
 
The Our Ukraine - People's Self-Defense bloc of Viktor Yushchenko (NUNS) and the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc (BYuT) have managed to set aside their differences and create a majority coalition in parliament. NUNS accepted Yushchenko's choice for parliamentary speaker, and dissenters in Our Ukraine (NU), the biggest party in NUNS, agreed to sign a coalition deal with BYuT. The coalition then passed the first serious test for viability, unanimously approving Yushchenko's choice for speaker, Arseny Yatsenyuk, when the rest of parliament refused to back him.
 
Eight representatives of the liberal, business-oriented wing of NU had refused to sign the NUNS-BYuT coalition deal in mid-November. They protested against the inclusion of several Tymoshenko election promises that they said were impossible to fulfill, and against the decision by the NUNS's majority to nominate NU leader Vyacheslav Kyrylenko for speaker. They suspected him of excessive sympathy toward Tymoshenko, who may run against Yushchenko in the next presidential election (see EDM, November 26). The coalition would not control the majority in parliament if the dissenters stood their ground.
 
After a closed-door meeting with Yushchenko on November 28, all but one dissenter agreed to sign the deal. They did not say what arguments Yushchenko had used to persuade them. Simultaneously, Yushchenko asked NU members to change their mind and nominate Foreign Minister Arseny Yatsenyuk for speaker instead of Kyrylenko. NU obeyed, although several representatives of its nationalist conservative wing made it clear that they agreed to Yatsenyuk only grudgingly.
 
Unlike Kyrylenko, who often does not display flexibility in dealing with political opponents, Yatsenyuk is agreeable to compromises. Yushchenko prefers a cautious and flexible figure at the helm of parliament at a time when the coalition that backs him is very fragile, numbering just two people beyond a simple majority - 227 deputies in the 450-seat legislature. Yatsenyuk may be exactly what Yushchenko needs. He is a polite young technocrat who at various stages in his career cooperated with both the Communists and the Party of Regions (PRU) of Yushchenko's archrival, Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych.
 
Tymoshenko approved Yushchenko's choice, saying that her bloc would back any candidate nominated by NUNS. The coalition accord's conditions are such that it would be impossible for her to secure the position of prime minister if a representative of NUNS' candidate did not become speaker. Tymoshenko worked hard to prove her bloc's loyalty. On November 30, the BYuT went as far as openly naming the PRU figures accused of trying to bribe several BYuT deputies so that they would not turn up at parliament to vote on speaker and prime minister. The PRU denied the allegation.
 
The PRU, the Communists, and the Lytvyn Bloc refused to give even a single vote to back NUNS's choice for speaker. Yatsenyuk was elected speaker in a secret ballot on December 4 by NUNS and the BYuT votes only. Every single member of the 227-strong coalition voted in his favor.
 
The PRU and the Communists said they would not recognize Yatsenyuk's election. They argue that the voting process, which was supposed to be secret, was personally controlled by Tymoshenko and her aides who checked the ballots of BYuT deputies at the voting booth. PRU deputy Yuriy Miroshnychenko said that the PRU might dispute the results of the vote in court. When Yatsenyuk's election was announced late on December 4, the PRU and the Communists left the assembly hall to protest procedural violations. Tymoshenko did not deny their accusations, but she said that parliament can carry on even without the two parties.
 
Yatsenyuk, unabashed by the demarche of the new opposition, promised equal rights to all caucuses and offered his thanks to the opposition for not disrupting the voting process. He said that his election was the first vote in parliament "without political corruption." He promised to ensure "European standards of parliamentarianism" and suggested concentrating on national priorities rather than political differences.
 
At 33 Yatsenyuk is the youngest Ukrainian parliament speaker ever, and the first to speak English fluently. Despite his age, Yatsenyuk has rich experience in both the private sector and the government. A lawyer and economist by education, he claims to have founded his first private business as a teenager. In 2001 he was deputy chairman of Aval, one of Ukraine's biggest banks. In 2001-2003, when the Communists dominated the Crimean government, he headed the economics ministry there. Yatsenyuk was caretaker chairman of the National Bank in 2004 while the bank's formal chairman, Serhy Tyhypko, headed Yanukovych's election headquarters. After the 2004 Orange Revolution he served consecutively as Odessa Region deputy governor, Ukrainian economy minister, and deputy head of the presidential office. Yatsenyuk has been foreign minister since March 2007.
 
Today, December 6, Yatsenyuk submitted Tymoshenko's nomination for prime minister to Yushchenko, who has two weeks to formally ask parliament to approve her nomination.
 
(Interfax-Ukraine, November 28, 29; NTN TV, November 30; Channel 5, Ukrayinska pravda, December 4, 6)
 

--Pavel Korduban


Kyiv Post


Rout Rada racists


Editorial , Kyiv Post
Dec 05 2007

Prior to his election as parliament speaker on Dec. 4, Arseniy Yatsenyuk fielded questions from his fellow parliamentarians concerning his past performance and future plans. The 33-year-old successfully fended off attacks from political opponents with quick wit and sharp tongue. He appeared to maintain his composure in response to a question posed by Party of Regions MP Hryhoriy Smitiukh about his nationality.

"Nationality was in the Soviet Union," Yatsenyuk responded, referring to the Communist-era practice of including information about a person's ethnic background in internal passports. "My nationality is Ukrainian. My father was born in Chernivtsi, my mother in Kolomiya... If we're going to start off with the issue of nationality and this kind of tolerance, then this is a very nice way to begin," he said.

Yatsenyuk is rumored to have Jewish roots while also being related to a prominent Ukrainian nationalist author. Whatever the case, Ukraine is a multicultural society and this fact has been reflected in the country's government personnel and policies since independence. For the record, we feel it is correct for politicians to be questioned about their religious beliefs, since religion could have a direct impact on a person's political views on key issues. But ethnicity should be irrelevant. True, being Jewish could mean one's ethnicity, religious belief, or both. Regardless of this issue's complexity, if Yatsenyuk does have Jewish roots, or adheres to the Jewish faith, and feels that he is Ukrainian, he should not have been ashamed of admitting it, explaining that his nationality is Ukrainian and that he is a patriot.

However, according to our educated suspicion, what is really troubling is that this question was posed to spark inter-ethnic tension and hurt Yatsenyuk's candidacy. The irony of this concern over Yatsenyuk's ethnic roots is that it came from the Party of Regions, which is arguably the most ethnically diverse party in parliament. The Tatar ancestry of Regions MP and billionaire Rinat Akhmetov has never been an issue for the party.

An apology from the Party of Regions would not be enough. Smitiukh should be held accountable for the unacceptable cheap shot that came out of his mouth. The Regions should react quickly, providing an explanation, as well as a proper solution, and kick Smitiukh out of parliament and out of the party as an example. Stirring up inter-ethnic tension is a throwback to the past that cannot be tolerated.

 

 

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