[Ohio UZO News] new House Ukraine election resolution!; EDM; Economist
Deychak, Orest
Orest.Deychak at mail.house.gov
Fri Oct 5 10:18:26 EDT 2007
H.RES.713 [110th]
Title: Congratulating the Ukrainian people for the holding of free,
fair, open and transparent parliamentary elections on September 30,
2007, in a peaceful manner consistent with Ukraine's democratic values
and national interest, in keeping with its commitments as a
participating State of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in
Europe.
Sponsor: Rep Hastings, Alcee L.
<http://www.congress.gov/cgi-lis/bdquery/?&Db=d110&querybd=@FIELD(FLD003
+ at 4((@1(Rep+Hastings++Alcee+L.))+00511))> [D-FL-23] (introduced
10/4/2007) Cosponsors: 12
<http://www.congress.gov/cgi-lis/bdquery/D?d110:5:././temp/~bdo01l:@@@P:
dbs=n:|/billsumm/billsumm.php|>
Latest Major Action: 10/4/2007 Referred to House committee. Status:
Referred to the House Committee on Foreign Affairs.
Original Cosponsors (*):
Rep Aderholt, Robert B.
<http://www.congress.gov/cgi-lis/bdquery/?&Db=d110&querybd=@FIELD(FLD004
+ at 4((@1(Rep+Aderholt++Robert+B.))+01460))> [R-AL-4] - 10/4/2007 *
Rep Butterfield, G. K.
<http://www.congress.gov/cgi-lis/bdquery/?&Db=d110&querybd=@FIELD(FLD004
+ at 4((@1(Rep+Butterfield++G.+K.))+01761))> [D-NC-1] - 10/4/2007 *
Rep Hoyer, Steny H.
<http://www.congress.gov/cgi-lis/bdquery/?&Db=d110&querybd=@FIELD(FLD004
+ at 4((@1(Rep+Hoyer++Steny+H.))+00566))> [D-MD-5] - 10/4/2007 *
Rep Kaptur, Marcy
<http://www.congress.gov/cgi-lis/bdquery/?&Db=d110&querybd=@FIELD(FLD004
+ at 4((@1(Rep+Kaptur++Marcy))+00616))> [D-OH-9] - 10/4/2007 *
Rep Kilpatrick, Carolyn C.
<http://www.congress.gov/cgi-lis/bdquery/?&Db=d110&querybd=@FIELD(FLD004
+ at 4((@1(Rep+Kilpatrick++Carolyn+C.))+01497))> [D-MI-13] - 10/4/2007 *
Rep Matsui, Doris O.
<http://www.congress.gov/cgi-lis/bdquery/?&Db=d110&querybd=@FIELD(FLD004
+ at 4((@1(Rep+Matsui++Doris+O.))+01814))> [D-CA-5] - 10/4/2007 *
Rep Moore, Gwen
<http://www.congress.gov/cgi-lis/bdquery/?&Db=d110&querybd=@FIELD(FLD004
+ at 4((@1(Rep+Moore++Gwen))+01811))> [D-WI-4] - 10/4/2007 *
Rep Payne, Donald M.
<http://www.congress.gov/cgi-lis/bdquery/?&Db=d110&querybd=@FIELD(FLD004
+ at 4((@1(Rep+Payne++Donald+M.))+00902))> [D-NJ-10] - 10/4/2007 *
Rep Pitts, Joseph R.
<http://www.congress.gov/cgi-lis/bdquery/?&Db=d110&querybd=@FIELD(FLD004
+ at 4((@1(Rep+Pitts++Joseph+R.))+01514))> [R-PA-16] - 10/4/2007 *
Rep Slaughter, Louise McIntosh
<http://www.congress.gov/cgi-lis/bdquery/?&Db=d110&querybd=@FIELD(FLD004
+ at 4((@1(Rep+Slaughter++Louise+McIntosh))+01069))> [D-NY-28] - 10/4/2007
*
Rep Smith, Christopher H.
<http://www.congress.gov/cgi-lis/bdquery/?&Db=d110&querybd=@FIELD(FLD004
+ at 4((@1(Rep+Smith++Christopher+H.))+01071))> [R-NJ-4] - 10/4/2007 *
Rep Solis, Hilda L.
<http://www.congress.gov/cgi-lis/bdquery/?&Db=d110&querybd=@FIELD(FLD004
+ at 4((@1(Rep+Solis++Hilda+L.))+01636))> [D-CA-32] - 10/4/2007 *
110TH CONGRESS
1ST SESSION H. RES. 713
Congratulating the Ukrainian people for the holding of free, fair, open
and transparent parliamentary elections on September 30, 2007 in a
peaceful manner consistent with Ukraine's democratic values and national
interest, in keeping with its commitments as a participating State of
the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe.
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Mr. HASTINGS of Florida submitted the following resolution; which was
referred to the Committee on Foreign Affairs
RESOLUTION
Congratulating the Ukrainian people for the holding of free,fair, open
and transparent parliamentary elections on September 30, 2007 in a
peaceful manner consistent with Ukraine's democratic values and national
interest, in keeping with its commitments as a participating State of
the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe.
Whereas the International Election Observation Mission led by the
Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (''OSCE''), led by
parliamentarians of the OSCE
Parliamentary Assembly, declared the September 30 2007 pre-term
parliamentary elections in Ukraine were conducted mostly in line with
OSCE commitments and
other international standards for democratic elections and in an open
and competitive environment;
Whereas voting was conducted in an orderly and transparent manner and
International Election Observation Mission observers assessed the voting
process as good or very
good in 98 percent of the nearly 3,000 polling stations visited,
notwithstanding some shortcomings, notably with respect to the quality
of voter lists;
Whereas the vote count was assessed as good or very good in 94 percent
of the International Election Observation Mission reports;
Whereas the Ukrainian people, most spectacularly during the Orange
Revolution of 2004, demonstrated their ability to resolve political
differences through nonviolent protest and in a manner consistent with
democratic principles;
Whereas, despite the real democratic gains made by the Ukrainian people
since the Orange Revolution, serious political disputes between
President Victor Yushchenko and Prime Minister Victor Yanukovich, rooted
in weak constitutional delineations of their powers, resulted in a
political crisis earlier this year;
Whereas after weeks of tense standoff, agreement was reached on May 27,
2007 among the President, Prime Minister and parliamentary chairman
stipulating new parliamentary elections for September 30;
Whereas the United States Congressional delegation to the 16th annual
session of the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly in Kyiv received assurances
from President Yushchenko and other prominent Ukrainian officials
thatFUkraine would not backtrack on the path to political reform and
good governance; and
Whereas the United States Congress has consistently demonstrated strong
bipartisan support for an independent, democratic Ukraine:
Now, therefore, be it
Resolved, That the House of Representatives-
(1) congratulates the people of Ukraine for holding free, fair, open and
transparent parliamentary elections on September 30, 2007, in a peaceful
manner consistent with Ukraine's democratic values and national
interest, in keeping OSCE standards on democratic elections;
(2) welcomes the strong relationship formed between the United States
and Ukraine since the restoration of Ukraine's independence in 1991 and
especially following the 2004 Orange Revolution;
(3) expresses strong and continuing support for the efforts of the
Ukrainian people to build upon the democratic gains of the Orange
Revolution by strengthening respect for human rights and the rule of
law, including an independent judiciary;
(4) recognizes that the consolidation of democracy and the rule of law,
and combating corruption, in Ukraine will further strengthen its
independence and sovereignty, enhancing Ukraine's aspirations for full
integration with the West and serving as a positive role model for other
post-Soviet countries;
(5) calls for the timely formation of a government that reflects the
will of Ukrainian voters and advances political stability and democratic
development, with a special focus on the constitutional framework, in
order to address the important issues facing Ukraine;
and
(6) pledges its continued assistance to the further development of a
free and transparent democratic system in Ukraine based on the rule of
law, a free market economy and consolidation of Ukraine's security and
sovereignty.
Economist
http://www.economist.com/
Ukraine's election
Oranges and lemons
Oct 4th 2007 | KIEV AND ODESSA
>From The Economist print edition
Yulia Tymoshenko wins, but there are still doubts surrounding her
coalition
TWO hours after the polls closed in Ukraine's election on September 30th
the opposition leader, Yulia Tymoshenko, strode into a private suite in
Kiev's smartest hotel, where European observers were waiting. At that
moment Viktor Yanukovich, the incumbent prime minister, appeared on
television looking shell-shocked. The exit polls were still coming in,
but the first results were reflected on the politicians' faces. "We have
the right to form the new government," Mr Yanukovich bleated. "Oh dear,"
said Ms Tymoshenko, before switching off the television, "he does look
like an upset child."
Days later Mr Yanukovich had bounced back. His Party of the Regions took
the biggest share of the vote, as it had in March 2006. But the momentum
is still running Ms Tymoshenko's way. She is the only politician whose
popularity has risen sharply, boosting her party's share of the vote
from 22% 18 months ago to almost 31%. With Our Ukraine, the party of
President Viktor Yushchenko, taking 14%, there is a tiny majority for an
"orange" coalition with Ms Tymoshenko as the most likely prime minister.
Forming that government depends on Ms Tymoshenko and Mr Yushchenko
sticking together. On October 3rd Mr Yushchenko called on all three
parties to start talks over a coalition. But Ms Tymoshenko promptly said
she could not work with Mr Yanukovich, as did some members of Our
Ukraine.
The voters' strong support for Ms Tymoshenko suggests that, for all
their disillusionment in the past few years, they want reform just as
much as they did when they poured into Kiev's Independence Square in the
snows of late 2004. The orange revolution that pushed Mr Yushchenko into
the presidency instead of Mr Yanukovich turned Ukraine from a corrupt
post-Soviet autocracy into a fragile democracy. That Mr Yushchenko's
support is now relatively weak reflects not a change of mood but his
failure to live up to the orange revolution's promises.
The latest election has restored the divide between the Party of the
Regions and the orange coalition. This same line separates a post-Soviet
thuggish political culture from a proto-European one. If Mr Yushchenko
tries to blur the line by working with Mr Yanukovich, as he did in 2006,
he is likely to land the country in a new political crisis.
For all the faults that became evident when she was briefly prime
minister in 2005, Ms Tymoshenko has remained consistent. Unlike Mr
Yushchenko, she has always rejected the idea of forming a coalition with
her opponents. Unlike Mr Yanukovich, she has not tried to change her
image with the help of American spin-doctors. In the eyes of millions of
Ukrainians, she is still the blonde heroine of the orange revolution and
a victim of, not a participant in, the infighting among the president's
men.
She promises a break with the past that appeals to those who feel let
down by successive governments. And she has broad support. Mr Yushchenko
draws his vote largely from the west of Ukraine, and Mr Yanukovich from
the Russian-speaking east and south. Ms Tymoshenko is less territorial:
most of her voters live in central Ukraine, but in this election she has
made inroads in both east and west. The risk of Ukraine splitting down
the River Dnieper was always overdone. After this election it looks
smaller still.
Ms Tymoshenko avoids the sensitive issue of making Russian a second
official language and no longer pushes for early entry into NATO,
opposed by the south and east. Like most of her countrymen, she believes
that the future of Ukraine lies in the European Union. But, claims
Hryhory Nemyria, her chief adviser, there is a distinction. She does not
see membership as a reward to be handed out merely for breaking out of
the post-Soviet space, or as a source of quick economic goodies. "To
her, being part of Europe means modernising Ukraine first," he says. "We
can only come as close to the EU as we are ready."
She also promises to clean up chronic corruption and sever the links
between business and politics. (Each party in Ukraine is backed by
powerful business interests, including her own.) Having made her fortune
in murky gas trades between Russia and Ukraine in the early 1990s, Ms
Tymoshenko now says she will eliminate all shady intermediaries and make
the gas trade transparent. As soon as she emerged as a potential winner
this week, Gazprom, Russia's gas giant, started growling about the $1.3
billion of debt Ukraine owes for gas and threatened to cut off supplies,
just as it did in January 2006.
Ms Tymoshenko is the most professional politician in Ukraine, but also
the most populist. She has promised within two years to reimburse the
savings people lost when the Soviet Union collapsed-a pledge even her
advisers say is unrealistic. Her period as prime minister in 2005 was
marked by talk of reviewing privatisation deals and capping fuel prices.
But she has learnt lessons, says Mr Nemyria, and is now more pragmatic.
Whatever she does, though, she will be held accountable by those who
voted for her, because Ukraine has since 2004 become a recognisable
democracy in which power is granted and taken away on the basis of
elections that are broadly free and fair.
That is the biggest achievement of all by this former Soviet republic,
and it is appreciated by losers as well as winners. As Yuri
Miroshnychenko, a young member of the Party of the Regions, puts it:
"There is no absolute power in Ukraine. We can work in opposition and
her coming to power is not a tragedy for us. The most important thing is
that Ukraine is moving in the right direction. Today it is becoming
Europe. There is no way back."
Eurasia Daily Monitor
October 5, 2007 -- Volume 4, Issue 185
ORANGE REVOLUTION BACK ON TRACK AFTER UKRAINE ELECTION
Ukraine's September 30 parliamentary elections mark a resurrection of
the Orange Revolution. The two orange forces, the Yulia Tymoshenko bloc
(BYuT) and Our Ukraine-People's Self Defense (NUNS), together won 45% of
the votes. Their expected 230 seats (out of 450) should be enough to
create a slim orange parliamentary coalition and government.
President Viktor Yushchenko has called for a broad coalition consisting
of BYuT, NUNS, and the Party of Regions. Although he campaigned for a
"democratic" (i.e., orange) coalition and continues to support this, he
believes that the Party of Regions should be given some government and
parliamentary positions.
BYuT immediately restated their long-standing refusal to join any
coalition that included the Party of Regions. NUNS is prevaricating, as
it did following last year's elections. Although ostensibly the
president's party, NUNS was not consulted ahead of Yushchenko's
statement.
Democratic and orange political forces have now won four elections since
the 2000. In 2002, Our Ukraine came first, then Yushchenko was elected
president two years later. In the 2006 and 2007 elections three (BYuT,
Our Ukraine, Socialist Party [SPU]) and two (BYuT, NUNS) orange forces,
respectively, achieved slim parliamentary majorities.
Although election fraud took place in the 2002 and 2004 elections,
triggering the Orange Revolution, international organizations (OSCE,
Council of Europe) and Western governments have declared the 2006 and
2007 elections to have been "free and fair." The Russian government has
also recognized this year's elections.
However, the Party of Regions has resumed some of its 2004 tactics with
inflated voter turnouts and stuffed ballots in its Donbas stronghold for
two reasons.
First, it needed to bolster the party's vote count in the face of an
onslaught by BYuT (see EDM, September 17). Last year the Party of
Regions had a 10% lead over BYuT, but now the gap has narrowed to only
3% percent. BYuT's 31% share this year marks a remarkable rise from only
8% in 2002.
Most of BYuT's gains are in Russian-speaking eastern and southern
Ukraine, making it Ukraine's first and only all-national political
force. BYuT and its territorial-based form of nationalism have
successfully attracted Russian-speaking voters, many of whom have been
put off by NUNS's ethno-cultural nationalism.
Second, eastern Ukrainian administrations controlled by the Party of
Regions and large factories with Socialist directors sought to bolster
the SPU vote. In central Ukraine SPU support collapsed from an average
of 10% in the 2006 elections to 2% percent this year. However, while
attempts to stuff ballots on behalf of the SPU temporarily pushed the
party above 3%, in the end this was insufficient to allow them to enter
parliament.
The new Ukrainian parliament will consist of five political forces, but
with two changes. First, the SPU has been replaced by former
parliamentary speaker Volodymyr Lytvyn's bloc. According to presidential
secretariat sources, the Lytvyn bloc has little choice but to join the
orange coalition, as its voters are from orange central Ukraine.
The Lytvyn bloc could have played the role of kingmaker, as the SPU did
in 2006, if the two orange forces themselves had fewer than 225 seats.
But instead, the orange coalition will have approximately 230 seats;
therefore, the Lytvyn bloc cannot break the coalition. It will be unable
to demand the post of speaker, as did SPU leader Oleksandr Moroz.
Second, the Party of Regions and Communist Party both will have about
the same number of seats that it had in the outgoing parliament. The big
change will be an additional 30 seats to BYuT, giving it close to the
same number as the Party of Regions.
As NUNS did not win more votes than in 2006, it is BYuT's breakthrough
that has given Yushchenko's presidency a new lease of life. NUNS placed
first only in Trans-Carpathia (home base of presidential secretariat
head Viktor Baloga), down from winning four regions in 2006. The
Tymoshenko-Yushchenko alliance still could split ahead of the 2009
presidential ballot.
NUNS leaders have reconciled themselves to BYuT's undisputed dominance
in the orange camp, as seen by the visit of NUNS leader Yuriy Lutsenko
to the BYuT election headquarters to publicly embrace Tymoshenko as the
next prime minister. The presidential secretariat is finding it
difficult to accept the new reality that Yushchenko's fate rests in
Tymoshenko's hands. As a Western Ambassador in Kyiv told EDM, even with
Tymoshenko's support as prime minister, Yushchenko will find it
difficult to win a second term, as his ratings have long hovered below
15%.
However, Yushchenko will no longer have a trump card to use in his
rivalry with Tymoshenko. In 2005, Yushchenko was constitutionally able
to dismiss the prime minister, and he fired Tymoshenko in September
2005. But since 2006, the reformed constitution only allows the
parliamentary coalition - not the president - to remove the prime
minister.
The holding of Ukraine's second free elections and the fourth victory in
five years of pro-Western democratic forces gives the Orange Revolution
and Yushchenko a second chance. Whether the opportunity will be used
this time still remains an open question.
(Ukrayinska Pravda, September 29-30, October 1-4, Financial Times,
October 1-2, cvk.gov.ua)
--Taras Kuzio
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